Commentary:
Daniel T. Kobil
Perry's duty: Show mercy to Joe Lee Guy
SPECIAL TO THE AMERICAN-STATESMAN
Tuesday, June 8, 2004
Unless Gov. Rick Perry rethinks his constitutional duty to grant commutations
in appropriate cases, a tragic injustice could soon befall Texas Death
Row inmate Joe Lee Guy. Perry appears hesitant to grant clemency to Guy,
despite unprecedented agreement among trial officials that Guy's death
sentence should be commuted. A presiding judge, the district attorney
and two sheriffs from Hale County, where Guy's crime occurred, all support
clemency. And in a rare move, the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles in
January unanimously urged Perry to commute Guy's death sentence.
This support for clemency among those who would ordinarily advocate carrying
out the execution might seem surprising, until you learn of the circumstances
that led to the death sentence. Guy was convicted of felony murder for
acting as an unarmed lookout in a robbery during which storekeeper Larry
Howell was killed and his elderly mother wounded. In a striking instance
of sentencing disparity, Guy received the death sentence, while the actual
killers and instigators of the crime were given life sentences.
For most chief executives, such disparity in punishment would be considered
adequate grounds for clemency. In 1857, President James Buchanan commuted
a death sentence after others involved in the murder received only prison
sentences -- because, he said, the inconsistency would "impair and
diminish that absolute confidence which ought to be reposed in a verdict
in which the life of a human being is to be taken away."
Ohio Gov. Thomas Herbert, faced with a similar situation in 1948, set
aside a death sentence, not out of sympathy for the defendant, but because
"in America we pride ourselves on doing comparative justice."
More recently, authorities in North Carolina, Florida, New Jersey, California
and Georgia have commuted death sentences owing to sentencing disparities
comparable to that confronting Guy.
Yet the case for clemency for Guy rests on more than this disparity.
Guy's trial was appalling in its inadequacy. According to court filings,
his defense attorney was addicted to drugs and even snorted cocaine in
the car on the way to the courthouse for Guy's trial.
As if this weren't bad enough, the attorney hired an untrained "investigator"
who developed an inappropriate relationship with the surviving victim,
which caused her to name the investigator as heir to her substantial fortune.
In an affidavit, the investigator later admitted this relationship "caused
me to conduct my investigation in a way that was damaging to Joe Lee Guy
getting a proper defense."
The clemency power, which in Texas is vested in both the Board of Pardons
and Paroles and in the governor, is designed to remedy such flagrant injustices.
Although the board has done its job in recommending clemency, Perry has
been reluctant to act on its recommendation, choosing to wait and see
whether the federal courts will intervene.
His inaction is wrong. The narrow review that federal courts give to
habeas corpus petitions is far less suited to remedying Guy's death sentence
than the governor's broad clemency authority. Complicated legal technicalities
often prevent federal courts from acting, even in the face of blatant
errors. But the opposite is true of the governor: once the parole board
has made a favorable recommendation, he is duty-bound to consider all
of the circumstances and act to remedy profound injustices.
Perry's "wait-and-see" approach assumes that clemency today
is little more than a quasi-judicial appeal that should be denied if the
courts don't act. Indeed, Perry voiced this view in refusing to follow
a recommendation that clemency be granted to mentally ill inmate Kelsey
Patterson, noting that the courts had "determined there is no legal
bar to execution." Patterson was executed last month.
This is a myopic vision of clemency. Historically, Americans have vested
their executives with unique authority to remit punishments meted out
by the courts. As Alexander Hamilton explained, the clemency power is
needed to assure that justice is not "too sanguinary and cruel."
What our country's founders appreciated is that clemency is a proper,
necessary part of our justice system that can allow -- indeed, require
-- the executive to act as a check on the courts. And in exercising this
power, governors have a responsibility to look at each clemency case in
way that is different from how the courts do.
Looking dispassionately at Joe Lee Guy's troubling story, it is difficult
to imagine a more compelling case for clemency. We can only hope that
Perry becomes aware of the importance of discharging his vital responsibility
before it is too late.
Kobil teaches at Capital University Law School in Columbus, Ohio, and
writes extensively on clemency issues.
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